Contents. Early life Family Macmillan was born at 52 in, to Maurice Crawford Macmillan (1853–1936), a publisher, and his wife, the former Helen (Nellie) Artie Tarleton Belles (1856–1937), an artist and socialite from. He had two brothers, Daniel, eight years his senior, and Arthur, four years his senior. His paternal grandfather, (1813–1857), who founded, was the son of a Scottish from the. He considered himself a Scot.

Schooling, University and early political views Macmillan received an intensive early education, closely guided by his American mother. He learned French at home every morning from a succession of nursery maids, and exercised daily at Mr Macpherson's Gymnasium and Dancing Academy, around the corner from the family home. From the age of six or seven he received introductory lessons in classical Latin and Greek at, close by in. Macmillan attended, (1903–06).

He was Third Scholar at, but his time there (1906–10) was blighted by recurrent illness, starting with a near-fatal attack of pneumonia in his first; he missed his final year after being invalided out, and was taught at home by private tutors (1910–11), notably, who did much to instil his. He won an to, but was less of a scholar than his elder brother Dan. Macmillan (top row, left) with Allied military leaders in the Sicilian campaign, 1943; to his left. Front Row: General (then Supreme Commander, Mediterranean), After had refused the job, Macmillan attained real power and rank late in 1942 as British Minister Resident at in the Mediterranean, recently liberated in. He reported directly to the Prime Minister instead of to the,. Had a similar job at Cairo, while was Macmillan's US counterpart. Macmillan built a rapport with US General, then Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean (SACMED), which proved helpful in his career, and later recalled that Macmillan's 'Greeks in the Roman Empire' metaphor dated from this time (i.e.

That as the US replaced Britain as the world's leading power, British politicians and diplomats should aim to guide her in the same way that Greek slaves and freedmen had advised powerful Romans). At the Macmillan helped to secure US acceptance, if not recognition, of the leader. Macmillan was badly burned in a plane crash, trying to climb back into the plane to rescue a Frenchman. He had to have a plaster cast put on his face. In his delirium he imagined himself back in a Somme casualty clearing station and asked for a message to be passed to his mother, now dead.

Together with he helped to negotiate the Italian armistice in August 1943, between the and the. This caused friction with Eden and the Foreign Office. He was based at for the rest of the war. He was appointed UK High Commissioner for the Advisory Council for Italy late in 1943.

He visited London in October 1943 and again clashed with Eden. Eden appointed as Ambassador to France (still under German occupation) and as Ambassador to Italy to reduce Macmillan's influence. In May 1944 Macmillan infuriated Eden by demanding an early peace treaty with Italy (at that time a pro-Allied regime under held some power in the southern, liberated, part of Italy), a move which Churchill favoured. In June 1944 he argued for a British-led thrust up the into Central Europe (Operation 'Armpit') instead of the planned diversion of US and Free French forces to the South of France.

This proposal impressed Churchill and, but did not meet with American approval. Eden sent out Robert Dixon to abolish the job of Resident Minister, there being then no job for Macmillan back in the UK, but he managed to prevent his job being abolished.

Churchill visited Italy in August 1944. On 14 September 1944 Macmillan was appointed Chief Commissioner of the Allied Central Commission for Italy (in succession to General Macfarlane). He continued to be British Minister Resident at Allied Headquarters and British Political adviser to, now Supreme Commander, Mediterranean. On 10 November 1944 he was appointed Acting President of the Allied Commission (the Supreme Commander being President). Macmillan visited Greece on 11 December 1944. As the Germans had withdrawn, British troops under had deployed to Athens, but there were concerns that the largely pro-communist Greek resistance, and its military wing, would take power (see ) or come into conflict with British troops.

Macmillan rode in a tank and was under sniper fire at the British Embassy. Despite the hostility of large sections of British and American opinion, who were sympathetic to the guerillas and hostile to what was seen as imperialist behaviour, he persuaded a reluctant Churchill, who visited Athens later in the month, to accept as Regent on behalf of the exiled. A was negotiated in January 1945, enabling a pro-British regime to remain in power, as Churchill had demanded in the the previous autumn.

Macmillan was also the minister advising of, the senior commander in Austria responsible for, which included the forced repatriation of up to 70,000 prisoners of war to the and 's in 1945. The deportations and Macmillan's involvement later became a source of controversy because of the harsh treatment meted out to and anti-partisans by the receiving countries, and because in the confusion V Corps went beyond the terms agreed at and directives by repatriating 4000 and 11,000 civilian family members, who could not properly be regarded as Soviet citizens. Air Secretary (1945) Macmillan toyed with an offer to succeed as MP for the safe Conservative seat of. Criticised locally for his long absence, he suggested that Lady Dorothy stand for Stockton in 1945, as she had been nursing the seat for five years.

She was apparently willing. However, it was thought better for him to be seen to defend his seat, and Lord Beaverbrook had already spoken to Churchill to arrange that Macmillan be given another seat in the event of defeat.

Macmillan returned to England after the European war, feeling himself 'almost a stranger at home'. He was for two months in, 'much of which was taken up in electioneering', there being 'nothing much to be done in the way of forward planning'.

Opposition (1945–51) Macmillan indeed lost Stockton in the landslide victory of, but returned to Parliament in the November 1945 by-election in. In his diary noted the feelings of the Tory backbenchers: 'They feel that Winston is too old and Anthony (Eden) too weak. They want Harold Macmillan to lead them.' Although Macmillan played an important role in drafting the ' ('Crossbencher' in the called it the second edition of The Middle Way) he now, as MP for a safe seat, adopted a somewhat more right-wing public persona, defending private enterprise and fiercely opposing the Labour government in the House of Commons. Political career, 1951–57 Housing Minister (1951–54) With the Conservative victory in Macmillan became under Churchill, who entrusted him with fulfilling the pledge to build 300,000 houses per year (up from the previous target of 200,000 a year), made in response to a speech from the floor at the 1950 Party Conference. Macmillan thought at first that Housing, which ranked 13 out of 16 in the Cabinet list, was a poisoned chalice, writing in his diary (28 October 1951) that it was 'not my cup of tea at all.

I really haven't a clue how to set about the job'. It meant obtaining scarce steel, cement and timber when the Treasury were trying to maximise exports and minimise imports. 'It is a gamble—it will make or mar your political career,' Churchill said, 'but every humble home will bless your name if you succeed.' By July 1952 Macmillan was already criticising Butler (then Chancellor of the Exchequer) in his diary, accusing him of 'dislik(ing) and fear(ing) him'; in fact there is no evidence that Butler regarded Macmillan as a rival at this stage. In April 1953 Beaverbrook encouraged Macmillan to think that in a future leadership contest he might emerge in a dead heat between Eden and Butler, as the young Beaverbrook (Max Aitken as he had been at the time) had helped to do in 1911. In July 1953 Macmillan considered postponing his gall bladder operation in case Churchill, who had just suffered a serious stroke while Eden was also in hospital, had to step down. Macmillan achieved his housing target by the end of 1953, a year ahead of schedule.

Defence Minister (1954–55). Further information: First government, 1957–59 From the start of his premiership, Macmillan set out to portray an image of calm and style, in contrast to his excitable predecessor. On his first evening as Prime Minister he took the for oysters at the. He silenced the klaxon on the Prime Ministerial car, which Eden had used frequently, and advertised his love of reading. On the door of the Private Secretaries' room at Number Ten he hung a quote from: 'Quiet, calm deliberation disentangles every knot'. Macmillan filled government posts with 35 Old Etonians, seven of them in Cabinet.

He was also devoted to family members: when was later appointed (Minister for Colonial Affairs from 1963 to 1964 among other positions) he described his uncle's behaviour as 'the greatest act of nepotism ever'. He was nicknamed ' in 1958 by the cartoonist 'Vicky'. It was intended as mockery but backfired, coming to be used in a neutral or friendly fashion. Vicky tried to label him with other names, including 'Mac the Knife' at the time of widespread, but none caught on. Economy Besides Foreign Affairs, the economy was Macmillan's other prime concern. His approach to the economy was to seek high or full employment, especially with a General Election looming.

This contrasted with the Treasury ministers who argued that support of sterling required spending cuts and, probably, a rise in unemployment. Their advice was rejected and in January 1958 the three Treasury ministers—, the, and, the and seen as their intellectual ringleader—resigned. Thorpe argues that this, coming after the resignations of Labour ministers, and in April 1951 (who had wanted higher expenditure), and the cuts made by Butler and Macmillan as Chancellors in 1955–56, was another step in the development of 'Stop-Go economics', as opposed to prudent medium-term management. Macmillan, away on a tour of the, brushed aside this incident as 'a little local difficulty'. He bore no grudge against Thorneycroft and brought him and Powell, of whom he was more wary, back into the government in 1960. This period also saw the first stirrings of more active., which had been kept low since the 1930s, was hiked in September 1958. Domestic policies During his time as prime minister, average living standards steadily rose while numerous social reforms were carried out.

The 1956 Clean Air Act was passed during his time as Chancellor; his premiership saw the 1957 Housing Act, the 1960 Offices Act, the 1960 Noise Abatement Act, the, the introduction of a graduated pension scheme to provide an additional income to retirers, the establishment of a for the orphaned children of divorced parents, and a reduction in the standard from 48 to 42 hours. Foreign policy. Macmillan meeting Ghanaian leader Macmillan took close control of foreign policy. He worked to narrow the post- rift with the United States, where his wartime friendship with was key; the two had a productive conference in as early as March 1957. In February 1959, Macmillan visited the. Talks with eased tensions in East-West relations over and led to an agreement in principle to stop nuclear tests and to hold a further summit meeting of and Soviet heads of government. In the Middle East, faced by the 1958 collapse of the and the spread of Soviet influence, Macmillan acted decisively to restore the confidence of allies, using the and to defeat a revolt backed by and against the Sultan of Oman, in July 1957; deploying airborne battalions to defend against Syrian subversion in July 1958; and deterring a threatened Iraqi invasion of by landing a brigade group in July 1960.

Macmillan was a major proponent and architect of. The was granted independence as, and the achieved independence within the in 1957. Nuclear weapons.

First successful British test—Operation Grapple X Round C1, which took place over In April 1957, Macmillan reaffirmed his strong support for the. A succession of prime ministers since the had been determined to persuade the United States to revive in the area of nuclear weapons research. Macmillan believed that one way to encourage such co-operation would be for the United Kingdom to speed up the development of its own, which was on 8 November 1957. Macmillan's decision led to increased demands on the and (subsequently) nuclear plants to produce for military purposes.

As a result, safety margins for radioactive materials inside the Windscale reactor were eroded. This contributed to the on the night of 10 October 1957, which broke out in the plutonium plant of Pile No. 1, and nuclear contaminants travelled up a chimney where the filters blocked some, but not all, of the contaminated material.

The radioactive cloud spread to south-east England and fallout reached mainland Europe. Although scientists had warned of the dangers of such an accident for some time, the government blamed the workers who had put out the fire for 'an error of judgement', rather than the political pressure for fast-tracking the megaton bomb. Concerned that public confidence in the nuclear programme might be shaken and that technical information might be misused by opponents of defence co-operation in the, Macmillan withheld all but the summary of a report into the fire prepared for the by, director of the. While subsequently released files show that 'Macmillan's cuts were few and covered up few technical details', and that even the full report found no danger to public health, but later official estimates acknowledged that the release of may have led directly to 25 to 50 deaths, and anti-nuclear groups linked it to 1,000 fatal cancers.

Macmillan and Eisenhower On 25 March 1957, Macmillan acceded to Eisenhower's request to base 60 in England under joint control to replace the of the, which had been stationed under joint control since 1948 and were approaching obsolescence. Partly as a consequence of this favour, in late October 1957 the US was eased to facilitate nuclear co-operation between the two governments, initially with a view to producing cleaner weapons and reducing the need for duplicate testing. The followed on 3 July 1958, speeding up British development, notwithstanding unease expressed at the time about the impetus co-operation might give to by arousing the jealousy of France and other allies. 1959 general election Macmillan led the Conservatives to victory in the, increasing his party's majority from 67 to 107 seats. The campaign was based on the economic improvements achieved as well as the low unemployment and improving standard of living; the slogan 'Life's Better Under the Conservatives' was matched by Macmillan's own remark, 'indeed let us be frank about it—most of our people have never had it so good,' usually paraphrased as 'You've never had it so good.' Such rhetoric reflected a new reality of working-class affluence; it has been argued that 'the key factor in the Conservative victory was that average real pay for industrial workers had risen since Churchill's 1951 victory by over 20 per cent'.

The scale of the victory meant that not only had the Conservatives won three successive general elections, but they had also increased their majority each time. And it sparked debate as to whether Labour (now led by ) could win a general election again.

The standard of living had risen enough that workers could participate in a consumer economy, shifting the working class concerns away from traditional Labour Party views. The, despite being a staunch supporter of the Labour Party, wished Macmillan 'good luck' on its front page after his win. Second government, 1959–63 Economy Britain's problems led Chancellor to impose a seven-month in 1961 and, amongst other factors, this caused the government to lose popularity and a, of which the most famous was on 14 March. Butler leaked to the on 11 July 1962 that a major reshuffle was imminent. Macmillan feared for his own position and later (1 August) claimed to Lloyd that Butler, who sat for a rural East Anglian seat likely to suffer from, had been planning to split the party over EEC entry (there is no evidence that this was so). In the 1962 cabinet reshuffle known as the, Macmillan sacked eight Ministers, including. The Cabinet changes were widely seen as a sign of panic, and the young MP said of Macmillan's dismissals 'greater love hath no man than this, than to lay down his friends for his life'.

Macmillan was openly criticised by his predecessor, an almost unprecedented act. Macmillan supported the creation of the National Incomes Commission (NIC) to institute controls on income as part of his growth-without-inflation policy. The NIC was founded in October 1962. However, largely due to employers and the (TUC) boycotting it, the NIC proved to be ineffectual. Instead, the (NEDC) was created. A further series of subtle indicators and controls was introduced during his premiership.

The report The Reshaping of British Railways (or Beeching I report) was published on 27 March 1963. The report starts by quoting the brief provided by the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, from 1960, 'First, the industry must be of a size and pattern suited to modern conditions and prospects. In particular, the railway system must be modelled to meet current needs, and the modernisation plan must be adapted to this new shape', and with the premise that the railways should be run as a profitable business. This led to the notorious, destroying many miles of and severing towns from the railway network. Foreign policy In the age of jet aircraft Macmillan travelled more than any previous Prime Minister, apart from Lloyd George who made many trips to conferences in 1919–22.

Relations with the United States The with the United States continued after the election of President, whose sister had married, the nephew of Macmillan's wife. He was supportive throughout the of 1962 and Kennedy consulted him by telephone every day. The was a close family friend of the President and actively involved in discussions on how to resolve the crisis. After Kennedy was assassinated, he wrote the Kennedy's wife a letter of condolence.

Wind of Change. British decolonisation in Africa. Macmillan's first government had seen the first phase of the independence movement, which accelerated under his second government.

He embarked on his 'Wind of Change' tour of Africa, starting in on 6 January 1960. He made the famous in on 3 February 1960. It is considered a landmark in the process of. Macmillan felt that if the costs of holding onto a particular territory outweighed the benefits then it should be dispensed with. After securing a third term for the Conservatives in 1959 he appointed as Colonial Secretary. Macleod greatly accelerated decolonisation and by the time he was moved to Conservative Party chairman and Leader of the Commons in 1961 he had made the decision to give independence to Nigeria, Tanganyika, Kenya, Nyasaland (as Malawi) and Northern Rhodesia (as Zambia)., the and were granted independence in 1960, and in 1961, and in 1962, and in 1963. Merged with Tanganyika to form in 1963.

All remained within the but British Somaliland, which merged with to form. Macmillan's policy overrode the hostility of white minorities and the. South Africa left the multiracial Commonwealth in 1961 and Macmillan acquiesced to the dissolution of the by the end of 1963. In Southeast Asia, Malaya, Sabah (British North Borneo), Sarawak and Singapore became independent as in 1963. The speedy transfer of power maintained the goodwill of the new nations but critics contended it was premature. In justification Macmillan quoted in 1851: Many politicians of our time are in the habit of laying it down as a self-evident proposition that no people ought to be free until they are fit to use their freedom. The maxim is worthy of the fool in the old story, who resolved not to go into the water until he had learnt to swim.

If men are to wait for liberty until they become wise and good in slavery, they may indeed wait for ever. Skybolt crisis.

Macmillan and confer in 1961 Macmillan cancelled the in April 1960 over concerns about its vulnerability to a pre-emptive attack, but continued with the development of the air-launched, which was about to enter trials. For the replacement for Blue Steel he opted for Britain to join the American project. From the same year Macmillan permitted the to station at, Scotland, as a replacement for Thor. When Skybolt was unilaterally cancelled by, Macmillan negotiated with President the purchase of Polaris missiles under the in December 1962. Europe Macmillan worked with states outside the (EEC) to form the (EFTA), which from 3 May 1960 established a free-trade area. Macmillan also saw the value of rapprochement with the EEC, to which his government sought belated entry, but Britain's application was vetoed by French president on 29 January 1963.

De Gaulle was always strongly opposed to British entry for many reasons. He sensed the British were inevitably closely linked to the Americans. He saw the EEC as a continental arrangement primarily between France and Germany, and if Britain joined, France's role would diminish.

Partial Test Ban Treaty (1963) Macmillan's previous attempt to create an agreement at the May 1960 summit in Paris had collapsed due to the. He was a force in the negotiations leading to the signing of the 1963 by the United Kingdom, the United States and the Soviet Union. He sent to negotiate the Test Ban Treaty, a sign that he was grooming him as a potential successor.

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President Kennedy visited Macmillan's country home, Birch Grove, on 29–30 June 1963, for talks about the planned. They never met again, and this was to be Kennedy's last visit to the UK. He was in November, shortly after the end of Macmillan's premiership.

End of premiership D. Thorpe writes that from January 1963 'Macmillan's strategy lay in ruins' leaving him looking for a 'graceful exit'. The turned the press against him.

In the same month, opposition leader died suddenly at the age of 56. With a general election due before the end of the following year, Gaitskell's death threw the future of British politics into fresh doubt. The following month, was elected as the new Labour leader, and proved to be a popular choice with the public and the left-wing media.

Profumo affair The of 1963 permanently damaged the credibility of Macmillan's government. In the ensuing Parliamentary debate he was seen as a pathetic figure, while declared, in the words of on, that it would 'Never (be) Glad Confident Morning Again'. On 17 June 1963, he survived a Parliamentary vote with a majority of 69, one fewer than had been thought necessary for his survival, and was afterwards joined in the smoking-room only by his son and son-in-law, not by any Cabinet minister. However, Butler and (who was very popular with backbench MPs at that time) declined to push for his resignation, especially after a tide of support from Conservative activists around the country. Resignation By the summer of 1963 was urging the ageing Macmillan to retire. The full report into the Profumo Scandal was published on 26 September 1963. Macmillan had a meeting with Butler on 11 September and was careful to keep his options open (retire now, retire in the New Year, or fight the next election).

He talked the matter over with his son Maurice and other senior ministers. Over lunch with on 30 September he favoured stepping down, but only if Hailsham could be shoehorned in as his successor. He saw Butler on the morning of 7 October and told him he planned to stay on to lead the Conservatives into the next General Election, then was struck down by prostate problems on the night of 7–8 October, on the eve of the Conservative Party conference. Macmillan was operated on at 11.30am on Thursday 10 October. Although it is sometimes stated that he believed himself to have inoperable, he in fact knew it was benign before the operation.

Macmillan was almost ready to leave hospital within ten days of the diagnosis and could easily have carried on, in the opinion of his doctor Sir John Richardson. His illness gave him a way out.

Succession While recovering in hospital, Macmillan wrote a memorandum (dated 14 October) recommending the process by which 'soundings' would be taken of party opinion to select his successor, which was accepted by the Cabinet on 15 October. This time backbench MPs and junior ministers were to be asked their opinion, rather than just the Cabinet as in 1957, and efforts would be made to sample opinion amongst peers and constituency activists. Enoch Powell claimed that it was wrong of Macmillan to seek to monopolise the advice given to the Queen in this way. In fact, this was done at the Palace's request, so that the Queen was not being seen to be involved in politics as had happened in January 1957, and had been decided as far back as June when it had looked as though the government might fall over the Profumo scandal. Later described this as the 'biggest political misjudgement of her reign'. Macmillan was succeeded by Foreign Secretary in a controversial move; it was alleged that Macmillan had pulled strings and utilised the party's grandees, nicknamed 'The Magic Circle', who had slanted their 'soundings' of opinion among MPs and Cabinet Ministers to ensure that Butler was (once again) not chosen.

He finally resigned, receiving the Queen from his hospital bed, on 18 October 1963, after nearly seven years as prime minister. He felt privately that he was being hounded from office by a backbench minority: Some few will be content with the success they have had in the assassination of their leader and will not care very much who the successor is. They are a band that in the end does not amount to more than 15 or 20 at the most. Historians' assessments of Macmillan's premiership wrote to Macmillan that his reputation would endure as, like Churchill, he was 'psychologically interesting'. An early biographer George Hutchinson called him 'The Last Edwardian at Number Ten' (1980), mistakenly in the view of Nigel Fisher. Fisher described him as 'complex, almost chameleon'.

At times he portrayed himself as the descendant of a Scottish crofter, as a businessman, aristocrat, intellectual and soldier. Labour leader Harold Wilson wrote that his 'role as a poseur was itself a pose'. Wilson also argued that behind the public nonchalance lay a real professional. Fisher also wrote that he 'had a talent for pursuing progressive policies but presenting them tactfully in a Conservative tone of voice'. Historian John Vincent explores the image Macmillan crafted of himself for his colleagues and constituents: He presented himself as a patrician, as the last Edwardian, as a Whig (in the tradition of his wife's family), as a romantic Tory, as intellectual, as a man shaped by the comradeship of the trenches and by the slump of the 1930s, as a shrewd man of business of bourgeois Scottish stock, and as a venerable elder statesman at home with modern youth. There was something in all these views, which he did little to discourage, and which commanded public respect into the early 1960s. Whether he was ever a mainstream Conservative, rather than a skillful exponent of the postwar consensus, is more doubtful.

Alistair Horne, his official biographer, concedes that after his re-election in 1959 Macmillan's premiership suffered a series of major setbacks. Campbell writes that: 'a late developer who languished on the back benches. In the 1930s, Macmillan seized his opportunity when it came with flair and ruthlessness, and until about 1962 filled the highest office with compelling style'. However, he argues that Macmillan is remembered as having been 'a rather seedy conjuror', famous for Premium Bonds, Beeching's cuts to the railways and the Profumo Scandal. He is also remembered for 'stop-go' economics: first expansion despite the opposition of Thorneycroft and his team, then Selwyn Lloyd's Pay Pause, and then finally the Maudling boom, with Britain's relative economic decline, especially compared to the EEC, becoming clear despite perceptions of consumer 'affluence' in the late 1950s. In the 1980s the aged Macmillan was seen as 'a revered but slightly pathetic figure'. Writes that Macmillan's final weeks were typical of his premiership, 'devious, theatrical and self-seeking' although not without droll wit and intelligence.

Macmillan is best remembered for the 'affluent society', which he inherited rather than created in the late 1950s, but chancellors came and went and by the early 1960s economic policy was 'nothing short of a shambles', while his achievements in foreign policy made little difference to the lives of the public. By the time he left office, largely unlamented at the time, he was associated not with prosperity but with 'anachronism and decay'. Thorpe writes that by the early 1960s Macmillan was seen as 'the epitome of all that was wrong with anachronistic Britain.

This was an unfair charge.' 'The essence of his persona was as elusive as mercury.' He was not a member of '—in fact he was a businessman who had married into the aristocracy and a rebel Chancellor of Oxford. 'He had style in abundance, (and) was a star on the world stage'.

Thorpe argues that despite his 1960 'Winds of Change' speech, he was largely pushed into rapid independence for African countries by Maudling and Macleod. Richard Lamb argues that Macmillan was 'by far the best of Britain's postwar Prime Ministers, and his administration performed better than any of their successors'. Lamb argues that it is unfair to blame Macmillan for excessively quick African independence (resulting in many former colonies becoming dictatorships), or for the Beeching Plan (which was accepted by Labour in 1964, although Macmillan himself had reservations and had asked civil servants to draw up plans for extra road-building), and argues that had he remained in power Macmillan would never have allowed inflation to get as far out of hand as it did in the 1970s. John Turner (1994) praised Macmillan's conduct of foreign affairs. Retirement, 1963–86 Macmillan initially refused a peerage and retired from politics in September 1964, a month before the, which the Conservatives narrowly lost to Labour, now led.

Oxford chancellor (1960–86) Macmillan had been elected in 1960, in a campaign masterminded by, and held this office for the rest of his life, frequently presiding over college events, making speeches and tirelessly raising funds. According to Sir QC, the vice-chancellor, Macmillan 'would talk late into the night with eager groups of students who were often startled by the radical views he put forward, well into his last decade.' Return to publishing In retirement Macmillan took up the chairmanship of his family's publishing house, from 1964 to 1974. The remained in family hands until a majority share was purchased in 1995 by the; the imprint, however, persists. Macmillan brought out a six-volume autobiography:.

Winds of Change, 1914–1939 (1966). The Blast of War, 1939–1945 (1967).

Tides of Fortune, 1945–1955 (1969). Riding the Storm, 1956–1959 (1971). Pointing the Way, 1959–1961 (1972). At the End of the Day, 1961–1963 (1973) Macmillan's biographer acknowledges that his memoirs were considered 'heavy going'. Reading these volumes was said by Macmillan's political enemy to induce 'a sensation akin to that of chewing on cardboard'. Butler wrote in his review of Riding the Storm: 'Altogether this massive work will keep anybody busy for several weeks.'

Macmillan's wartime diaries were better received. War Diaries: Politics and War in the Mediterranean, January 1943 – May 1945 (London: St. Martin's Press, 1984) Since Macmillan's death, his diaries for the 1950s and 1960s have also been published:.

The Macmillan Diaries: The Cabinet Years 1950–57 (London: Macmillan, 2003). The Macmillan Diaries Vol II: Prime Minister and After: 1957–1966 (London: Macmillan, 2011) Macmillan burned his diary for the climax of the Suez Affair, supposedly at Eden's request, although in Campbell's view more likely to protect his own reputation.

London Clubs Macmillan was a member of many clubs. He became President of the in 1977 and would often stay at the club when he had to stay in London overnight. Within a few months of becoming President he merged the Carlton.

He was also a member of, the. He also once commented that was 75% gentlemen and 25% crooks, the perfect combination for a club. Political interventions Macmillan made occasional political interventions in retirement.

Responding to a remark made by Labour Prime Minister about not having boots in which to go to school, Macmillan retorted: 'If Mr Wilson did not have boots to go to school that is because he was too big for them.' Macmillan accepted the in 1976. In October of that year he called for 'a Government of National Unity' including all parties, which could command the public support to resolve the economic crisis.

Asked who could lead such a coalition, he replied: ' formed his last Government when he was eighty-three. I'm only eighty-two. You mustn't put temptation in my way.' His plea was interpreted by party leaders as a bid for power and rejected. Macmillan still travelled widely, visiting China in October 1979, where he held talks with senior Vice-Premier. Relations with Margaret Thatcher.

The Macmillan family graves in 2012 at. Macmillan's grave is on the right. Macmillan had often play-acted being an old man long before real old age set in. As early as 1948 wrote of how 'he makes a show of being feeble and decrepit', mentioning how he had suddenly stopped shambling and sprinted for a train. Nigel Fisher tells an anecdote of how Macmillan initially greeted him to his house leaning on a stick, but later walked and climbed steps perfectly well, twice acting lame again and fetching his stick when he remembered his 'act'. However, in genuine old age he became almost blind, causing him to need sticks and a helping arm. Macmillan died at, the Macmillan family mansion on the edge of near Chelwood Gate in, four days after Christmas in 1986.

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His age was 92 years and 322 days— the greatest age attained by a British Prime Minister until surpassed by Lord Callaghan on 14 February 2005. His grandson and heir, said: 'In the last 48 hours he was very weak but entirely reasonable and intelligent. His last words were, 'I think I will go to sleep now'.' On receiving the news, Thatcher hailed him as 'a very remarkable man and a very great patriot', and said that his dislike of 'selling the family silver' had never come between them. He was 'unique in the affection of the British people'.

Tributes came from around the world. Said: 'The American people share in the loss of a voice of wisdom and humanity who, with eloquence and gentle wit, brought to the problems of today the experience of a long life of public service.' Outlawed president sent his condolences: 'As South Africans we shall always remember him for his efforts to encourage the regime to bow to the that continue to blow in South Africa.' Sir affirmed: 'His own leadership in providing from Britain a worthy response to African national consciousness shaped the post-war era and made the modern possible.' A private funeral was held on 5 January 1987 at, Horsted Keynes, West Sussex, where he had regularly worshipped and read the lesson. Two hundred mourners attended, including 64 members of the Macmillan family, Thatcher and former premiers and, and 'scores of country neighbours'.

The sent a wreath 'in admiring memory'. He was buried beside his wife and next to his parents and his son, who had died in 1984. The House of Commons paid its tribute on 12 January 1987, with much reference made to his book. Thatcher said: 'In his retirement Harold Macmillan occupied a unique place in the nation's affections', while Labour leader struck a more critical note: 'Death and distance cannot lend sufficient enchantment to alter the view that the period over which he presided in the 1950s, while certainly and thankfully a period of rising affluence and confidence, was also a time of opportunities missed, of changes avoided. Harold Macmillan was, of course, not solely or even pre-eminently responsible for that. But we cannot but record with frustration the fact that the vigorous and perceptive attacker of the status quo in the 1930s became its emblem for a time in the late 1950s before returning to be its critic in the 1980s.'

A public memorial service, attended by the and thousands of mourners, was held on 10 February 1987 in. Styles of address. 1894–1924: Mr Harold Macmillan. 1924–1929: Mr Harold Macmillan. 1929–1931: Mr Harold Macmillan.

1931–1942: Mr Harold Macmillan. 1942–1945: The Rt Hon. Harold Macmillan. 1945: The Rt Hon.

Harold Macmillan. 1945–1962: The Rt Hon. Harold Macmillan.

1962–1964: The Rt Hon. Harold Macmillan. 1964–1976: The Rt Hon. Harold Macmillan.

1976–1984: The Rt Hon. Harold Macmillan.

1984–1986: The Rt Hon. The Earl of Stockton Honours, awards and legacy In 1976 he received the. In 1984 he received the from the.

Macmillan's archives are located at Oxford University's. Macmillan was awarded a number of honorary degrees, including:. 1956 –. 1958 –. 1958 –, together with Eisenhower.

1961 – Cabinets (1957–63) January 1957 – October 1959. Harold Macmillan: Prime Minister.:.:.: and.:.:.:.:. Sir:.:.: Minister of Education.:.:.:.: Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation.:.: Minister of Power.: Minister of Housing and Local Government and Welsh Affairs Change. March 1957 – Lord Home succeeds Lord Salisbury as Lord President, remaining Commonwealth Relations Secretary. September 1957 – Lord Hailsham succeeds Lord Home as Lord President, Home remaining Commonwealth Relations Secretary.

Succeeds Hailsham as Minister of Education. The Chief Secretary to the Treasury, enters the Cabinet. January 1958 – Derick Heathcoat Amory succeeds Peter Thorneycroft as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Succeeds Amory as Minister of Agriculture.

Honoured: Army sniffer dog Theo, pictured with his master Lance Corporal Liam Tasker, has been posthumously awarded the animal equivalent of the Victoria Cross An Army sniffer dog has been posthumously awarded the animal equivalent of the Victoria Cross. Theo, a 22-month-old springer spaniel cross, will receive the PDSA Dickin Medal for life-saving bravery in conflict. He suffered a fatal seizure just hours after his handler, Lance Corporal Liam Tasker, 26, was shot dead by the Taliban in March 2011. The pair uncovered 14 bombs and hoards of weapons in five months on the front line - more than any other dog and handler in the conflict. Military chiefs hailed them for saving the lives of countless British soldiers in Afghanistan. L/Cpl Tasker’s family were last night ‘delighted’ to hear that Theo has received the posthumous gallantry award, which are handed out sparingly by the People’s Dispensary for Sick Animals.

His mother Jane Duffy, 53, said her family were ‘ecstatic.’ ‘We are so, so happy and really, really excited,’ she said. ‘Absolutely delighted.’ ‘It means so much because Liam put Theo forward for the medal when he was in Afghanistan, before he was killed, because he was so good. ‘He said that Theo used to get excited when they got out the Vallon bomb-detecting equipment and switched it on because it meant he was going out. ‘Liam used to say Theo was full of character and sometimes hard to handle, and his commander said, “Just like Liam”.’ Mrs Duffy, of Tayport, Fife, said L/Cpl Tasker had received a posthumous mentioned in despatches, which is praise for bravery. ‘It’s wonderful that now Theo has been recognised,’ she said. Inseparable: Theo suffered a fatal seizure only hours after L/Cpl Tasker was shot dead by the Taliban in March 2011 She hopes to travel to London to receive the Dickin Medal with husband Jimmy, 48, son Ian, 30, and daughters Laura, 21, and Nicola, 15. The leading veterinary charity said ‘dozens’ of people had put Theo’s name forward for a PDSA Dickin Medal.

PDSA director general Jan McLoughlin said: ‘We are very proud to posthumously award Theo the medal. ‘Theo’s exceptional devotion to duty in Afghanistan saved countless human lives. Share ‘The award of this medal honours his service in life and his sacrifice in death. ‘It serves as a very poignant reminder of the loyal companionship and dedication of man’s best friend.’ L/Cpl Tasker, from Kirkcaldy, Fife, served with Royal Army Veterinary Corps’s 104 Military Working Dog Squadron. He was killed taking part in a mission in the Nahr-e-Saraj district in Helmand.

Theo was said to have died of a broken heart after the Arms and Explosives Search soldier lost his life. Their role had been to help search and clear roads and compounds, uncover hidden weapons, improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and bomb-making equipment. Not only did Theo sniff out homemade bombs intended to murder and maim, on one occasion he identified two hidden bags of fertiliser and a large quantity of parts for making IEDs. And another time he found an underground tunnel leading to a room in which insurgents were making bombs and hiding from coalition forces.

Team: L/Cpl Tasker was killed taking part in a mission in the Nahr-e-Saraj district in Helmand. Theo was said to have died of a broken heart after the Arms and Explosives Search soldier lost his life Colonel Neil Smith, of the Royal Army Veterinary Corps, said: ‘We are honoured that the PDSA has announced the award of the Dickin Medal to Theo. ‘Sadly Theo died just a few hours after his handler, LCpl Liam Tasker, was killed in Afghanistan. ‘This impressive team undoubtedly prevented many soldiers and civilians being killed or injured. ‘This award recognises not only this very special dog, but also the contributions that all our dog teams make in detecting IEDs and weapons caches.’ L/Cpl Tasker’s loved ones will be presented with the award in London next month.

The PDSA Dickin Medal was introduced by the UK’s leading veterinary charity in 1943. Theo’s is the first PDSA Dickin Medal to be presented since 2010. His posthumous presentation will bring the total number of medals awarded to animals in war to 64. Since its inception it has been awarded to 28 dogs, 32 World War II messenger pigeons, three horses and one cat. A Mention In Despatches is the oldest recognition of gallantry in the Armed Forces.